AN OPEN LETTER TO HEIDI-JANE ESAKOV
Dear Ms. Esakov,
I refer to your letter titled”Do not speak in my name, Rabbi” in response to the Chief Rabbi, Warren Goldstein’s open letter to Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Mr. Ebrahim Ebrahim.
While your sentiments appear to portray the voice of logic and reason and will no doubt be accepted as such by the vast number of readers (in fact I find myself in some agreement with a number of points you have raised) – what disturbs me is your penchant to rely on little more than well-worn rhetoric with little or no attempt to place the majority of your assertions in any form of context. I firmly believe that debate without context is a meaningless exercise designed to serve as little more than propaganda.
Nor do you make any effort to apportion even the slightest blame at the feet of the Palestinians while discussing a conflict that goes back to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 (and further) – a conflict wrought with complexities both nationalistic, religious, historic and emotional . In fact, your perspective offers but one innocent victim (the Palestinians) and one vicious villain(the Israelis). This in itself should raise a red flag indicating that your approach is not only simplistic but tainted with a bias that renders your analysis of Dr. Goldstein’s letter suspect, to say the least.
I had cause to attend the press conference at DIRCO addressed by the Deputy Minister at which he attempted to clarify his original statement “discouraging” South Africans from visiting Israel. He explained that the rationale behind this directive was the identification of Israel by the “entire world” as “an occupying power” and that “Israel was guilty of doing things that were unacceptable”. Yet, in your letter you quote Mr. Ebraim’s modified statement which came a day or so later in which he changed the directive to refer to “high-profile and government institutions” only. The difference is obvious as is your inference that the later “more reasonable” version is the original.
I contend that were no protest forthcoming, his original directive would have remained as such and would have not been spun to appear more conciliatory.
When I asked the Deputy Minister whether any other countries had ever been singled out for similar treatment, despite having questionable human rights records, the Deputy Minister admitted that Israel was the only one, the reason being that “this conflict had been going on forever.” I contend that this is hardly a reason for so drastic and exclusive a directive as it is obvious that, were peace available for the picking, Israel would have harvested the crop as far back as 1948 and was not the party to choose the route of conflict instead of conciliation. It is safe to say that if anyone would be aware of the interminable duration of this conflict it would be the parties involved who hardly need reminding by our Deputy Minister.
Your assertion that Israel oppresses the Palestinians under “a brutal and humiliating military occupation” once again falls back on an emotive choice of words with questionable validity. But before we can address the basic issue of an “occupation” it must be determined whether Israel’s presence in the West Bank is an “occupation” at all.
According to the San Remo Resolution of 1920 which gave legal effect to the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and which has never been abrogated since its endorsement by the League of Nations in 1922, followed by the United Nations in 1947; the entire region of Judea and Samaria (the “West Bank”) is in fact Israeli territory. This would quite obviously nullify any dispute about the matter. Until I am presented with an argument counter to that presented by Howard Grief in his seminal 714 page work, “The Legal Foundations and Borders of the State of Israel under International Law”, I for one will (as do international jurists of the highest standing)l regard Israel’s presence as legal in all respects.
It should be noted that the self-same San Remo Resolution brought Iraq, Syria and Lebanon into being as well as the Jewish Home Land, and any abrogation of this resolution would result in the eradication of the legal recognition of these countries as well, under international law.
As for the assertion that Israel is guilty of a “brutal” occupation, perhaps this should be seen in the light of facts and not emotive allegations designed to whip up anti-Israel sentiment which generally emanates from one side only. The mental picture conjured up by the word “brutal” is obviously deliberately chosen to achieve this purpose. One not only sees the jackboot but smells it.
Thus, I contend, Ms. Esakov that to simply dish out clichéd allegations against Israel with no attempt at placing them in any form of context is both misleading and dishonest. Is the “brutality” to which you refer an ongoing daily occurrence which forms part of general policy (as the extermination of Jews was in Nazi Germany) or do you refer to isolated instances of unacceptable behavior on the part of individual soldiers or even IDF units? If this might be so, do you see this in the context of negative interaction between the Palestinians and the Israeli soldiers with action and reaction typical of a highly charged conflict situation of this nature, or do you see only Israel’s heavy-handedness against people who are purportedly doing absolutely nothing to provoke such reaction? If so, video recordings of these clashes clearly suggest that both sides might be equally complicit in stoking up the flames of violent interaction. (See: http://www.memri.org or www.palwatch.org or www.camera.org or www.honestreporting.com)
It would also be interesting to know whether the coldblooded murder in their beds of five members of the Fogel family, three of whom were children, by Palestinian terrorists who were lauded at home for their “heroic action” including the decapitation of the two month-old infant, elicited from you any words of protest; never mind the action of the “martyr”, Samir Kuntar who also received a heroes welcome following his release in exchange for the corpses of two Israeli soldiers. Mr. Kuntar’s claim to fame was to bash in the head of 4 year old Einat Haran after making her witness the murder of her father moments before. Do these actions also qualify as “brutal” in the Esakov lexicon? If so, have you ever publicly expressed your dismay?
Were Israel to be guilty of a “brutal” occupation it is hard to explain why she sends hundreds of tons of goods, fuel, food and medicines into the “occupied” territories on a daily basis and why Israeli hospitals treated over 100,000 Palestinians during the period 2011-12. It is even harder to reconcile why, some months ago, Ismail Haniyeh, the senior political leader of Hamas who openly calls for Israel’s destruction, arranged for his brother-in-law to have major surgery at the Beilinson Hospital in central Israel for a life-threatening heart condition. Is this not a flagrant dismissal of principle?
How does one also explain how, under brutal” occupation, the GNP of the West Bank has shown such impressive growth over the past 2 years while the population figures remain stable in the face of oft repeated allegations of “ethnic cleansing”? I have also yet to see an emaciated Palestinian on a TV news broadcast despite the continual accusations of Israeli-inspired shortages of food and other essentials. In fact the stone-throwing ability of the youth remains constant and extremely impressive.
The claim of excessive Israeli brutality is also not borne out in reports by Palestinian journalists like Khaled Abu Toameh, who has been reporting from Ramallah for the past 20 years. The picture he paints of Palestinian life in the “occupied” territories is vastly different from that described by journalists traditionally hostile to Israel, many of whose accuracy has regularly been found wanting. (See www.honestreporting.com or http://www.memri.org and www.camera.org. See also “the Jenin massacre that wasn’t” or the “Mohamed al Dura hoax”)
As far as the so-called “right of return” of the Palestinians to Israel proper is concerned, if, Ms. Esakov, you can explain how the absorption of 4.5 million Palestinians can be achieved without having the ultimate effect of destroying the Jewish character of the only existing Jewish Homeland, I wish to hear it. Can it be denied that the inevitable result would be the creation of two Islam- dominated states existing side by side (and eventually morphing into one) instead of guaranteeing the maintenance of a single Jewish State neighboring a single Palestinian state as originally envisaged? If this is the inevitable consequence of “the right of return”, how can we speak of ever achieving a “just and equitable solution”?
You have deliberately mislead your readers, Ms. Esakov in stating that (Israel) “enforces a loyalty oath forcing citizens to swear allegiance to Israel as a Jewish democratic state”. This has not been passed into law by the Knesset and has yet to be ratified, if ever. It is regarded as highly contentious and has come up against a great deal of opposition within Israeli society. It is exactly this demonstration of democracy that makes Israel unique in the Middle East but which garners little or no recognition from its critics.
However, it would be interesting to have you explain how an Israeli loyalty oath would differ from the oath new citizens are compelled to take when receiving American citizenship where these new citizens, including atheists embrace the religious identity of the country – “Under God”.
Closer to home, the Palestinian Authority, in its constitution for a Palestinian state, stipulates that Islam will be its official religion while the 57 member states of the Organization of the Islamic Conference make no bones about the fact that Islam is the core of its identity. Some go so far as to put “Islamic” identification in their official names — i.e. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan; the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania; and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
While Israel’s proposed “loyalty oath” would be a declaration of loyalty to, and recognition of, the Jewish character of the Jewish State it does not compel new citizens to identify with Judaism nor does it preclude adherents to other religions from practising their beliefs. To claim that 20% of its population (the Arab Israelis) are excluded “by definition” (a “Jewish democratic state”) is also misleading in that by recognizing that the raison d’etat for the existence of Israel as a “State for Jews”, this has never excluded non-Jews from full citizenship, nor prevented them from practicing their own religion nor living according to their specific culture.
How, Ms. Esakov do you reconcile Saudi Arabia’s lack of tolerance towards Christains in this regard and the “honour killings” that remain rife in Pakistan where 943 women were murdered in 2011 alone? Have you considered, Ms. Esakov, expressing your assumed abhorrence against this practice outside the Pakistani Embassy or, at the very least, on the pages of the media?
While I cannot agree that 20% of the Israeli population are excluded from “full citizenship” I am compelled to concede that, in some respects, Israeli Arabs do not enjoy “equal” citizenship. When placed in context this is unacceptable yet understandable. As observed by emertis Professor Phyllis Chesler, the fact is that the Israeli government has failed to allocate equal funds for Arab community development leaving many roads in Arab villages unpaved and electricity and water compromised. There are other issues as well that cannot be denied nor overlooked, some which the Israeli Supreme Court have ruled against, enforcing change as a result. However, much work is still to be done to claim the existence of a fully fair and equitable society.
However, Chesler contends that when viewed in context, reasons do exist – the main one being Israel still being in a state of war with the vast Arab Islamic “nation” for the past 65 years and more. The wish of the latter to see the elimination of the Jewish state from their midst is the overriding rationale behind the mistrust that exists between Arab and Jew, preventing the accommodation of peaceful co-existence. It is this negative atmosphere that has largely contributed towards a reluctance to share equally all Israel’s benefits with an Arab population whose overall loyalty is regarded as suspect and whom, in many cases still identify with Israel’s enemies despite enjoying the benefits of full Israeli citizenship.
Call it a state of mind bound up in suspicion and mistrust – but it takes little more to instill an unwillingness to solve problems that, morally, have little right to exist. However, by no stretch of the imagination can this be defined as “apartheid” in any real sense. Discrimination, yes – as it no doubt exists in every other country in the world – but “apartheid, colonialism or racism” – no. None of this justifies the violence and hatred unleashed against the Jewish state over the past several decades.
If as you say, Ms. Esakov, it is possible to visit Israel and “have the plight of the Palestinians photo-shopped out of your experience”, it is equally possible to visit the West Bank and also have the plight of the Israelis photo-shopped out of that experience. The difference is that while visiting Israel you will not come across Israelis indoctrinating their children in state schools and on state television that Jews are apes and pigs who deserve to be killed (see: http://www.memri.org); neither will you find Israelis gleefully dancing in the streets and handing out sweets to celebrate the murder of Palestinian children or an attack by a suicide bomber; nor will you find Israeli leaders attending rallies at which suicide bombers are lauded as heroes and football stadiums named after terrorist killers. You will also not hear of political victors (Hamas) throwing their opponents (Fatah) to their deaths off the roofs of tall buildings. Neither will you find Israel willfully launching 10,000 rockets into “occupied” territory (as was forthcoming from Gaza) despite withdrawing from that region in 2005, while placing 90% of all West Bank Palestinians effectively under PA control in terms of the Oslo Accords and going so far as to arm the new PA security forces to the teeth – arms that were quickly turned against their donor. Israel’s military actions have always only been in response to attacks on her civilian population and/or her territory.
What you undoubtedly will find is Israel’s willingness and determination t do whatever she must to ensure the protection of her citizens, Jews and Arab, which her critics will predictably and inevitably label as “disproportionate force”.
All the other points on which you have focused – the establishment of refugee camps, the demolition of houses, the arbitrary house raids, the checkpoints, the imprisonment of Palestinian children and the squalor of certain areas within Palestinian towns and cities, are all the direct result of an unwillingness by the Palestinian to recognize the existence of the Jewish State or to live next door to it in peace, security and good neighborliness. The wholesale theft of donor funds by corrupt leaders has also played a major part in this neglect. Were this misguided policy to end, so would every point that you have made.
In conclusion, I feel sure that Chief Rabbi Goldstein would agree that “human rights violations and discrimination committed in the name of Jews” must be a hateful and unacceptable concept. How could it possibly be otherwise? However, equally unacceptable are human rights violations and discrimination when practiced AGAINST Jews whether for reasons ideological or religious. Neither is it “a case of placing Jewish rights above those of Palestinians – or anyone else’s”, but recognizing those rights where and when they exist and not attempting to denigrate them nor “photoshop” them off the agenda.
It would be mindful to acknowledge that the only way that any meaningful progress can be made to bring this intractable conflict to an end is to ensure that honesty and fairness are applied equally to all sides and that wild statements be replaced with wise and sober council.
Victor Gordon